Revealed: Lobbying firm selling access to ministers for £30,000

Ethan Shone

When I saw that the UK government had seconded an official to work with Rothschild & Co on defence policy, all paid for by you and me, I knew this was something I had to look into. The revolving door between government, private finance and lobbying firms needs to be exposed if we are to understand how money and power work in our politics. Nowhere is this more urgent than on questions of defence and national security, at a time when the government is investing more and more of taxpayers’ money on rearming Britain.

 

openDemocracy understands that the document, which we have reviewed, was sent to lobbying agencies and in-house public affairs teams in the tech sector. It has not been made public or reported elsewhere.

Arden Strategies and Startup Coalition hosted a similar event last year, where tech firms, venture capitalists and consultants mingled with then-tech secretary Peter Kyle and a dozen other Labour politicians and aides. One company that attended last year’s event now sits on a government panel shaping data policy.

Founded by former Labour minister Jim Murphy, Arden established itself as arguably the lobbying firm with the best connections to Starmer’s Labour Party in the run-up to the 2024 general election, when it hosted numerous private meetings introducing clients to members of the shadow cabinet.

While this year’s event is unlikely to breach parliamentary rules, ‘cash-for-access’ style arrangements are controversial as they allow companies and interest groups with significant resources opportunities to influence government policy. This is especially concerning on issues like AI and social media, where companies stand to gain significantly from light-touch regulation or government backing.

Campaign group Spotlight on Corruption described the arrangement as “hugely problematic” and has called for the government to review “cash for access schemes”.

‘Guaranteed access?’ ‘Yes’

An FAQ section in this year’s brochure foresees prospective sponsors asking, “Will we be guaranteed a policymaker?” The answer is simply: “Yes”. The level of access afforded to a business, though, appears to depend on which sponsorship package they opt for.

For £7,500, companies can sponsor and co-host a 90-minute roundtable with a “VIP guest”. At last year’s event, the guests were generally MPs with an interest in tech and AI policy, including now-AI minister Kanishka Narayan and the chair of the influential Labour Growth Group of MPs, Chris Curtis, a former aide to Starmer.

For £20,000, a senior representative from a sponsoring business can join or introduce one of two panel discussions taking place on the day. The topics up for discussion are yet to be confirmed, but could include AI regulation and “cybersecurity in a time of geopolitical instability”, the document says.

It adds that while “the vision for the day [is] set in stone… different topics can be approached in different ways and we are happy to work with you to ensure the content is the best it can be”.

For £30,000, businesses can sponsor a drinks reception where attendees will network after the fireside chat with Kendall. This package includes the chance to make a “three-minute” speech during the reception and pose for photos with the minister.

Sponsors who have paid at least £20,000 will also receive “stakeholder introductions” at the reception – likely meaning they will be introduced directly to influential politicians and advisers.

The summit will be followed by an exclusive post-conference dinner for 25 guests, which the brochure describes as “a VIP dinner with top advisors to the prime minister, chancellor and other senior tech policymakers for sponsors and top UK business leaders.”

There are seemingly three seats at this dinner available to sponsors, one each for the businesses that spend £20,000 to sponsor one of the two panels or £30,000 to sponsor the reception.

Another question in the FAQs asks: “Are package pricing set?” To which the response is: “No, we are open to a conversation.”

Is MAGA a religion? Why has protest been criminalised in England and Wales? Who is profiting from anti-immigration sentiment? And how can we engage with young men who’ve fallen down the alt-right pipeline?

 

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